995 resultados para juvenile offenders


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This report considers extant data which have been sourced with respect to some of the consequences of violent acts and incidents and risky behaviour for males living in regional and remote Australia . This has been collated and presented under the headings: juvenile offenders; long-term health consequences; anxiety and repression; and other chronic disabilities. Additional commentary resulting from exploration, examination and analyses of secondary data is published online in complementary reports in this series.

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Historically, children in criminal justice proceedings were treated much the same as adults and subject to the same criminal justice processes as adults. Until the early twentieth century, children in Australia were even subjected to the same penalties as adults, including hard labour and corporal and capital punishment (Carrington & Pereira 2009). Until the mid-nineteenth century, there was no separate category of ’juvenile offender’ in Western legal systems and children as young as six years of age were incarcerated in Australian prisons (Cunneen & White 2007). It is widely acknowledged today, however, both in Australia and internationally, that juveniles should be subject to a system of criminal justice that is separate from the adult system and that recognises their inexperience and immaturity. As such, juveniles are typically dealt with separately from adults and treated less harshly than their adult counterparts. The United Nations’ (1985: 2) Standard Minimum Rules for the Administration of Juvenile Justice (the ‘Beijing Rules’) stress the importance of nations establishing a set of laws, rules and provisions specifically applicable to juvenile offenders and institutions and bodies entrusted with the functions of the administration of juvenile justice and designed to meet the varying needs of juvenile offenders, while protecting their basic rights. In each Australian jurisdiction, except Queensland, a juvenile is defined as a person aged between 10 and 17 years of age, inclusive. In Queensland, a juvenile is defined as a person aged between 10 and 16 years, inclusive. In all jurisdictions, the minimum age of criminal responsibility is 10 years. That is, children under 10 years of age cannot be held legally responsible for their actions.

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This paper is concerned with the narrative language (story telling) abilities of a group of juvenile offenders completing community-based court orders in Melbourne, Australia. A convenience sample of 30 male young offenders was compared with 50 male non-offenders attending government high schools in the same region of Melbourne. Participants provided an audiotaped description of a six-frame cartoon (the “Flowerpot Incident”). Samples were transcribed and subjected to story grammar analysis, to examine differences between groups regarding both structural and qualitative adequacy. Young offenders produced narratives which were significantly poorer than those of controls with respect to the presence and adequacy of the seven story grammar elements described by Stein and Glenn (In R. O. Freedle (Ed.), New Directions in Discourse Processing (pp. 53-120) 1979). Findings are discussed in relation to implications for investigative and evidentiary interviewing.

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A cross-sectional study examining the oral language abilities and social skills of male juvenile offenders is described. Fifty juvenile offenders and 50 non-offending controls completed measures of language processing and production, and measures of social skill and IQ. Information about type of offending, substance use histories and learning/literacy problems was also gathered.

Young offenders performed significantly worse on all language and social skill measures, but these differences could not be accounted for on the basis of IQ. Just over half of the young offenders were identified as language impaired. This subgroup was compared with non-language impaired offending peers on a range of variables. The findings have particular implications in the areas of early intervention for high-risk boys and investigative interviewing of juvenile offenders.

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The Australian Institute of Criminology's recent work on adult male offenders has found that the most serious and persistent adult offenders had been detained as a juvenile. In terms of crime reduction, interventions that focus on reducing the likelihood of juveniles escalating to adult offenders will have significant benefits for the whole of the Australian community. Research conducted in juvenile justice settings around the world consistently shows that young people who come to the attention of criminal justice agencies have multiple problems and experience high levels of need across all areas of functioning. In meeting these needs, correctional agencies have been increasingly influenced by the model of rehabilitation known as the 'what works' approach. This paper outlines a case management framework for rehabilitating juvenile offenders that includes three of the most important 'what works' principles, namely the risk principle, the needs principle and the responsivity principle. In the longer term, the implementation of the framework will need to be evaluated to determine what works and what doesn't with rehabilitating juveniles.

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The authors investigated whether male violent juvenile offenders demonstrate any differences in local functional connectivity indicative of delayed maturation of the brain that may serve as a biomarker of violence. Twenty-nine violent juvenile offenders and 28 age-matched controls were recruited. Regional homogeneity (ReHo) method was used to analyze resting-state magnetic resonance images. Violent offenders showed significantly lower ReHo values in the right caudate, right medial prefrontal cortex, and left precuneus, and higher values in the right supramarginal gyrus than the controls. These regions had both high sensitivity and specificity in distinguishing between the two groups suggesting that dysfunction in these regions can be used to correctly classify those individuals who are violent. Dysfunction in the right medial prefrontal-caudate circuit may, therefore, represent an important biomarker of violence juvenile males.

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Background : Whilst impulsivity is most commonly linked to the development of internalizing disorders, high levels of impulsivity, anxiety, and depression have been found in detained juvenile offenders. We therefore sought to determine whether impulsivity is associated with the development of self-reported anxiety or depression in a sample of detained juvenile offenders.

Methods : 323 male juvenile offenders and 86 typically developing controls, aged 15–17 were assessed. The Schedule for Affective Disorder and Schizophrenia for School-Age Children Present and Lifetime (SADS-PL) was used to assess psychiatric diagnoses, the Barratt Impulsivity Scale (BIS-11) was used to measure impulsivity, and the Screen for Child Anxiety Related Emotional Disorders (SCARED) and the Birleson Depression Self-Rating Scale (DSRS) were used to assess self-reported anxiety and depression respectively.

Results : Compared to controls, juvenile offenders had significantly higher scores on the BIS-11 total, as well as on the motor and nonplanning subscales (all p values <0.001), as well as higher DSRS (p < 0.001) and SCARED (p < 0.05) scores. Within the juvenile offender group, scores on the SCARED correlated positively with BIS-11 total, attention subscale, motor subscale, and total DSRS (all p values <0.01). DSRS scores correlated positively with BIS-11 total, attention subscale, nonplanning subscale, and total SCARED scores (all p values <0.01). Participants were then categorized low, middle or high impulsivity according to scores on the BIS-11. One-way ANOVAs demonstrated a significant difference between these tertiles on DSRS [F(2,320) = 4.862, p < 0.05] and SCARED total scores [F(2,320) = 3.581, p < 0.05]. Specifically, post-hoc analyses found that the high impulsivity tertile scored significant higher than the remaining tertiles on both DSRS (16.1 ± 0.3 vs. 14.0 ± 0.6, p < 0.05) and SCARED (23.3 ± 0.9 vs. 18.4 ± 1.4, p < 0.05) scores. Using multiple linear regression, BIS-11 attention scores, number of months served in custody, age, and BIS-11 nonplanning scores predicted higher levels of anxiety, whilst only BIS-11 attention and nonplanning scores predicted higher levels of depression.

Conclusions : In detained juvenile offenders, high impulsivity may be an important risk factor not only for the externalizing disorders, but also for anxiety and depression. Results of this study, therefore, suggest that specific facets of impulsivity may represent one mechanism underlying the emergence of anxiety and depression in this population.

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Criminal behavior has been explained by the idea that offenders have a lack of self-control. Yet, Wilson and Daly reported that juvenile offenders exhibit time-discounting tendencies similar to those of nonoffending juveniles. As no previous study has compared time-discounting behavior of adult offenders with nonoffenders, we raise the question, do adult offenders exhibit shorter time horizons or the tendency to discount future rewards? To answer this question, 89 offenders (ex-prisoners and prisoners) and 106 nonoffenders completed a time-discounting measure containing 27 different monetary choices. Our results show that, counter to findings with juvenile offenders, adult offenders (ex-prisoners) exhibit significantly shorter time horizons and discount more than nonoffenders as delayed payoffs increase to medium and large rewards. Furthermore, both offenders and nonoffenders are less likely to discount as the reward of future gains increases to medium and large.

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Although there is a large body of evidence attesting to the poor social skills of juvenile offenders, few workers have examined the underlying language skills of this population. This pilot study investigated the language skills of a group of young offenders in comparison to non-offending school students. Data were gathered from 15 community-based young offender males, aged between 13 and 21 years (M = 16.5 years, SD = 2.1) from the Victorian southern region Juvenile Justice Units. The comparison group comprised 15 male students, aged between 15 and 17 years (M = I 6.4 years; SD = 0.5 I) from government high schools in south-eastern metropolitan Melbourne. Each participant completed a narrative discourse task and measures of speed of processing, and abstract language. It was hypothesised that the young offender group would perform more poorly on each of the language tasks than the comparison group. Independent t tests (with a modified alpha level to control for family-wise error rates) showed that there were significant differences in the expected direction, on all language measures. Notwithstanding the pilot nature of the investigation, implications of these findings for both further research and intervention/early intervention are described.

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To illustrate how specialist courts have developed to manage juvenile offenders, this paper provides an overview of the history and development of the youth court in one jurisdiction, South Australia. Drawing on interviews conducted with judicial officers, the paper seeks to highlight some of the changes that have taken place since the Court’s inception, as well as how the Court currently understands its role and positioning within the broader justice and welfare systems. Key discussion points of these interviews included the Youth Court’s guiding principles and how they impact on court procedures and responses to young people in the system, as well as the challenges that limit, or create difficulties for, the effective operation of the Youth Court. It is concluded that the Youth Court system attempts to balance both welfare and justice approaches to dealing with young people, but are sometimes hindered by inadequate procedural, structural and resource-related factors – some of which exist externally to the Youth Court itself.

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This publication is one in a series of guides designed to assist in the statewide promotion of balanced and restorative justice. BARJ is a philosophy of justice that can guide the work of individuals who deal with juvenile offenders, their victims, and the communities in which they live.

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Considerable funds have been allocated in the area of juvenile justice in attempts to reduce and prevent the problem of juvenile delinquency. Much of these funds have been funneled to various community-level intervention programs. This dissertation reports the results of a study that examined the effects of one such program, the Juvenile Intervention Facility (JIF) in Broward County, Florida, on reducing the number of cases handled judicially by the Juvenile Court in that county. ^ Juvenile justice policy, which precipitated the creation of the JIF program, assumed that more structured and integrative efforts at the point of entry into the juvenile justice system would lead to greater diversion from the courts to much needed intervention services. By virtue of this process, the number of juveniles handled judicially by the courts was expected to decrease and future delinquent behavior would be prevented. Archival data from four fiscal years were examined, two years pre-JIF, two years post-JIF, a third-year follow-up, and a concurrent outcome measure corresponding to the first year of JIF operations. Data included all juvenile cases referred during the fiscal years defined for Broward and St. Lucie Counties, the state of Florida, and the United States. The study tested four hypotheses: (a) the JIF would reduce the number of cases handled judicially in Broward County Juvenile Court, (b) the decrease in judicially handled cases would be greater for females than for males, (c) there would be greater decreases in judicially handled cases for whites than non-whites, (d) there would be greater decreases in judicial handling for younger than older offenders. Bivariate analyses were conducted, consisting of chi square tests, to test the hypotheses. ^ Results indicate that the impact of the JIF was in the opposite direction of what was expected in that more juvenile offenders were handled judicially through juvenile court. This fact points to the possibility that the JIF has failed to provide the intended consequences of the policy. In the discussion, these “unintended” consequences are addressed in the context of juvenile justice policy creation and the competing constituencies involved in such policy development. ^